(ii) The existence of the “common pool problem”, which occurs when interest groups compete
for increased public spending without internalizing the negative effects of higher future
taxes, generating the so called “voracity effect” (Tornell and Lane, 1999).
The effects of this fiscal deficit bias are very detrimental for the economy. First, the excessive size of public
debt ends up negatively affecting long-term growth. Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) find that debt-to-GDP levels
over 90% negatively affect the growth of countries. The mechanism through which higher levels of debt
translate into lower growth is the presence of higher interest rates (Haugh et al., 2009; Baldacci and Kumar,
2010; or Schuknecht et al., 2010). Higher interest rates end up negatively affecting private investment and,
ultimately, long run growth (Blanchard and Perotti, 2002, and Fatas and Mihov, 2003, among others). This
line of thinking includes the hypothesis proposed by Giavazzi and Pagano (1990), according to which, a
contraction of public spending can be expansive if interest rates are reduced. The studies of Bertola and
Drazen (1993), and Alessina and Perotti (1996) have confirmed this hypothesis. However, Perotti (2013) finds
that a fiscal contraction is expansive if it is accompanied by both a real depreciation of the exchange rate and
an expansive monetary policy. Similarly, Baldacci et al. (2015) find that a contractive fiscal policy is
expansive as long as the credit restrictions in the economy are not severe.
Second, in the presence of a shock, it is not possible to implement an anti-cyclical fiscal policy if there are
high levels of indebtedness. In their seminal contribution, Gavin and Perotti (1997) show that fiscal policy
tends to be pro-cyclical. This would be the result of increasing expenses when cyclical revenues rise (in times
of expansion) and decreasing expenses when cyclical revenues diminish (in times of recession), since there
is no room to increase the deficit due to the excessive size of the public debt and the imperfections of the
credit market (Riascos and Vegh, 2003). The impossibility of implementing an anti-cyclical fiscal policy is
even more serious because the fiscal multipliers tend to be greater in times of recession (Baum et al., 2012).
Finally, and derived from the aforementioned characteristics, we observe that, prior to discretionary fiscal
policy results in pro-cyclical behavior, the fiscal policy tends to amplify economic cycles by inducing greater
volatility, further weakening the structural vulnerabilities of the economy either in terms of the structure of
the tax revenues (Talvi and Vegh, 2005) or external factors (Radelet and Sachs, 1998).
In this context, the institutional response to mitigate fiscal policy deficit bias has been the implementation
of fiscal rules. This implementation can be seen as: (i) commitment device, imposing direct restrictions on
governments (Alessina and Tabellini, 1990); (ii) signaling device, sending information to the market in order
to reduce uncertainty in decision making (Debrun and Kumar, 2007); and (iii) coordination device,
facilitating the establishing of coalitions to reduce the common pool problem (Cordes et al., 2015). A broad
debate has arisen in the economic literature regarding the effectiveness of fiscal rules at achieving the
objectives of macroeconomic stability and the reduction of deficit bias. This debate has placed the emphasis
on institutional factors (coverage, flexibility, simplicity, budgetary institutions, etc.) in order to determine
when fiscal rules are most effective (Eyraud et al., 2018). However, there is little debate so far related to the
long run welfare gains or losses derived from the implementation of such fiscal rules, and how their
potential negative effects can be mitigated. Facilitating this debate is the objective of this paper.
3. Fiscal Rules: The Peruvian Case
Peru is an interesting case of the application of fiscal rules. The first fiscal rule was implemented in late 1999,
when the country was facing the negative effects of both the Russian crisis (late 1998) and the Brazilian debt
crisis (January 1999). These exogenous shocks negatively affected growth and fiscal results. According to
the INEI, the year 1999 ended with a fiscal deficit of 3.4% of GDP and a level of public debt of 51.4% of GDP.
In order to ensure the return to macroeconomic stability, the fiscal rule established a ceiling for the fiscal
deficit at 1% of GDP, capping the real growth of non-financial government spending, which was established
at 2% per year. Despite successive modifications to the fiscal rule, Peru’s fiscal history has been successful
in terms of achieving macroeconomic stability. As shown in Figure 1, debt to GDP reached 21.6% in 2011